Sumanta banerjee the naxalite uprising festival

DDC: LCC: DS Global file ID in Libgen. Repository ID for the 'libgen' repository in Libgen. Corresponds to the 'thousands folder' sumanta banerjee the naxalite uprisings festival. Repository ID for the non-fiction 'libgen' repository in Libgen. Directly taken from the 'id' field in the 'updated' table. Open Library Subject: Naxalite Movement.

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All download options have the same file, and should be safe to use. But the temptation of a short-cut to growth through foreign aid was too compelling, and the Soviet Union alone could not provide a dependable alternative. On 6 February at the One Asia Assembly in New Delhi, Indira Gandhi spoke of the sufferings of the Vietnamese people and in an indirect reference to the USA, said that the saturation bombing in Vietnam was incompatible with the declaration of love for democracy.

This immediately brought forth a sharp rebuff from the USA. Sensing the reaction of the aid-giver, Indira Gandhi promptly resiled. The USA was quick to respond to India's obsequiousness. Explaining the motive behind the decision, D. He referred in this connection to India's need for fertilizers, which could be bought from the amount given as aid.

It was obvious that for fertilizers, India had to go to the US private firms again and pay their exorbitant price. During the yearexternal assistance commitments to India from World Bank and other foreign sources stood at Rs. The slogans of self-reliance that were raised following the victory in the war against Pakistan soon became devoid of all glitter, like false jewels in a counterfeit crown, and the old obsequious self reappeared in all its cringing form.

The USA was happy with the turn of events. India had thus come full circle. For some of these, the expensive import content could have been avoided since indigenous know how for their production was available. It will be seen that all the economic measures introduced by Indira Gandhi were either aimed at placating some sections of the population, or were concentrated in selected areas only, without any attempt to make the rich disgorge their wealth.

In this she had the approval of the US specialists. As one of them suggested about India: "The primary purpose of the centre's assault on low-end poverty should be to shore up disadvantaged groups and classes within their respective areas, not quickly to equalize incomes between areas. The differences that have cropped up among the Indian Marxist-Leninists over identifying the main enemy and choosing allies to form a united front against it, are a fall-out from the international debate on the Chinese theory of the Three Worlds.

According to the Communist Party of China CPC "of the two imperialist superpowers, the Soviet Union is the more ferocious, the more reckless, the more treacherous and the most dangerous source of world war," and hence the need for "unity between the US, China, Japan, West Europe and other countries of the world, unity among these countries to deal with Soviet hegemonism.

While the majority of the CPI M-L groups have accepted this theory, differences prevail over its interpretation. Some, like Satyanarain Singh, are eager to apply the theory in India in the shape of an alliance of all anti-Soviet elements, including the traditional anti-Communist, pro-US forces. This interpretation approximates in a large measure to the desires of the present Chinese leadership.

Chandra Pulla Reddy's party is as yet unwilling to go to this extent, as it regards the main struggle as one for "Protracted People's War for the destruction of imperialism, bureaucratic monopoly capitalism and feudalism" in which it does not expect any section of the ruling classes to unite with the CPI M-L. A common basis for such unity, according to his party, can come when any superpower attacks India and a section of the ruling classes oppose that aggressor, or when there is fascist repression, as happened during the Emergency.

Although Vinod Mishra agrees with Satyanarain Singh that the Soviet social-imperialists are the main enemies, his party does not see the possibility of pro-US forces "uniting with us on the basis of a common programme in a democratic and patriotic front" at the present moment. A few groups have rejected the Three Worlds theory and denounced the post-Mao Chinese leadership as "revisionists".

It attended the meeting of the 13 Marxist-Leninist groups from 30 January to 2 February, but later dissociated itself from their joint statement as it felt that the statement reflected "the influence of the Three Worlds theory in the Indian context and did not put the perspective of New Democratic Revolution in the proper light. It has, however, agreed to cooperate with other groups in joint actions on important issues.

Incidentally, the Reorganizing Committee has aligned itself with 12 Marxist-Leninist parties and organizations from different parts of the world, which issued a communique in late stating: "After revisionism had clearly come to power in the USSR with Khrushchev, the international proletariat suffered a further grievous loss after the death of Comrade Mao Tse-tung inwith the seizure of power in socialist China by a new counter-revolutionary bourgeoisie dragging one-fourth of humanity back down the capitalist road.

The group has, however, opposed Satynarain Singh's call for a united front with pro-US forces. The differences relate only to the mode of building up an anti-Soviet united front in India. While repeating the Three Worlds theory by rote, many CPI M-L leaders fail to distinguish between Chinese rhetoric and realpolitik, between China's national interests and the interests of the Indian revolution, between the Sinocentric view of the international situation and the actual reality.

A desire to conform to China's international posture often leads them to ignore the balance of Soviet and American control in India, particularly the still powerful US influence over Indian economy. The development of the Three Worlds theory has to be seen in the proper perspective. China's national economic requirement of Western technology to accelerate the pace of modernization, and its international political goal of isolating the Soviet Union which it considers to be a military threat to its national security, have driven it to seek alliance with the USA and the 'Second World' of West Europe.

Since the Marxist-Leninist movements in the South and South-east Asian countries along the Chinese borders have not yet been able to set up pro-Peking regimes while the Governments of Pakistan, India and Bangladesh remain undependable, those in Afghanistan, Laos and Vietnam are under Soviet control to act as buffer states against possible Soviet attacks from the south, China prefers the continuation of US presence in the Indian Ocean to counter Soviet moves.

Judging by China's steady withdrawal of support from Communist guerrilla movements in the ASEAN region, it seems that for China, the issue of the day is not a people's liberation movement, but nationalism versus Soviet imperialism. In its international strategy, distinctive Communist objectives, like acceleration of class struggles to complete the agrarian revolution and capture power in the semi-feudal and semi-colonial countries, will now have to be temporarily abandoned in favour of an ameliorative political stance that would facilitate the building of an anti-Soviet alliance.

In some countries such as Thailand, China has put pressure on the Communist guerrillas to make up with the ruling powers and forge a united front with them to fight "Vietnamese aggression". It has followed this up with patient efforts at reconciliation with the Indian Government, marked by exchange of ambassadors, increase in trade and finally by the visit of the Chinese Foreign Minister Huang Hua to Delhi in June Indira Gandhi's Government has responded favourably to the Chinese overtures and is back by a section of Indian industrialists and traders who are interested in exporting their goods to China.

The Sino-Indian Trade Promotion Forum, soon after Huang Hua's visit, urged the Indian Government to explore the possibilities of transferring Indian technical know how to China in such areas as agriculture, mineral development, irrigation, light industries, power and transportation. On the political plane, Chinese Communist leaders have had a series of talks with representatives of the CPI M which was described as "revisionist" by the CPC in and have established fraternal relations.

The CPI M still steers a middle course in the Sino-Soviet dispute, regarding both the countries as socialist and yet critical of some of their policies. It seems that China is keen on neutralizing, or winning over as many sections of the Indian political forces as possible in its confrontation with the Soviet Union. The attitude of the CPI M-L leaders to the CPC in general and Mao Tse-tung in particular, was one of prostrate adoration, reflected too often in emphasizing China's national interests over the needs of the Indian revolution and taking pains to trot out apologies or explanations for China's diplomatic manoeuvres as happened with Ashim Chatterjee during the developments in East Bengalor taking ridiculously extreme forms like Charu Mazumdar's slogan:.

The CPC for its part, continued to lend support to Charu Mazumdar's tactics and policies, even when experience 'undermined their validity for the success of the revolution in India. Just a year before the uprising at Naxalbari, the Chinese were even prepared to support the most obscurantist feudal elements against Indira Gandhi. On 12 Novembera Jen-min Jinpao commentator came out with an article entitled "Indian People Have Arisen in Resistance", describing a demonstration by Hindu religious fanatics demanding a ban on cow-slaughter in Delhi on 7 November that year!

This is how the commentator saw the demonstration: "Astrong anti-Government demonstration broke out in New Delhi on 7 November. This was a violent sumanta banerjee the naxalite uprising festival of the Indian people's pent up feelings against the Government Seven months later, however, Radio Peking was to discover in the Naxalbari uprising "the front paw of the revolutionary armed struggle", glossing over the fact that the Naxalbari peasants were fighting against the same feudal elements who had organized the 7 November demonstration in Delhi.

Even those who oppose the present CPC leadership are haunted by their past. Today these groups are in a dilemma, finding it difficult to convince their ranks about the 'counter-revolutionary' nature of Chinese leaders whom only a few years ago they lauded as ideal revolutionaries. To get around the problem, they have chosen to stick adamantly by their position of loyalty to these denigrated leaders, claiming that Mao had supported these leaders, but had been superseded by the "Deng-Hua clique".

As for those supporting the present Chinese leadership, by trying again to identify themselves with China's international stance, they tend to undermine the danger of US military and economic offensive both in the world and in India. While they rightly join hands in demonstrating against Soviet aggression in Afghanistan, they seldom denounce the presence of US servicemen and the American fleet in the Pacific and the Indian Ocean, or condemn US intervention in El Salvador.

They are justified in warning against Soviet exploitation in Indian economy, but their silence on similar exploitation by US and Western multinationals evokes suspicion among genuine anti-imperialists. Both because of the aggressive role of the USA in the region in the past, and its continuing control over important sectors of the Indian economy today, anti-US feelings are quite strong among radical-minded urban youth, Leftist academics and ranks of Left parties.

Marxist-Leninists who wish to build up a political base among these sections, will either have to adopt a neutral attitude towards China's pro-US policies, or come out openly against the present Chinese leadership. Torn between national compulsions and loyalty to the CPC, the leaders of the various CPI M-L groups are passing through an agonizing process of soul-searching.

I asked my Girijan comrades: Who composed that song? He was Subbarao Panigrahi. A rush of memories overwhelmed me.

Sumanta banerjee the naxalite uprising festival: Explore books by Sumanta

Subbarao was captured and shot dead along with his comrades by the police in the hills of Srikakulam in December He was just 35 years old. And, here I was standing looking at the spot of his martyrdom. Q 2: What was the happiest moment in your revolutionary political work during the period? But there were happy moments — in the underground life, and later in jail — when me and my comrades sang songs that roused our dream of liberation from an oppressive system.

Sumanta banerjee the naxalite uprising festival: 25 Sumanta Banerjee, India's

It can be dismissed by cynics today as a futile dream. A: The first sad moment was in I was in the underground, and heard of the killing of Jaydeb — a dear comrade of mine — by the police. The second was in I was in Burdwan jail, and received news of the killing of Subrata Dutta popularly known as Jwahar among the Bihar peasantrya leader of the movement in Bhojpur in Bihar.

On November 29 that year, his hideout was raided by the police and he was shot dead. We watched him how he remained steadfast all through that ordeal, without breaking down for a moment, without even having the chance of a last look at his son. It was a sad moment, but, at the same time, a courageous moment. Q 4: How you and your comrades used to organize the peasantry or what was your method of work in the rural areas?

My assignment was mainly to translate reports from the ground level sent by our activist-comrades from different areasfor publication in Liberationour English organ published clandestinely. Incidentally, some of these issues of Liberation were surreptitiously printed in the press of The Statesmana national English daily, where I worked from till in Calcutta [now, Kolkata], and later in New Delhi.

Jayanta Das Gupta, one of our comrades, was working in The Statesman printing press in those days. Jayanta Das Gupta passed away some years ago. He, after the printing press was shuttered down for the day, opened it up for type- setting of the articles of Liberation with the help of a few other comrades. Q 5: How do you now identify the working method followed during the period: a completely conspiratorial and devoid of mass line, or b completely dependent on annihilation of class enemies, or c following mass line and attempting to reach the masses, or d admixture of both the conspiratorial and mass lines, or e not easily identifiable within an only black and white frame?

It should be a flexible method of combining both armed resistance and mass movement — at various levels of our multi-layered society. For example, the Maoists must intervene and employ their armed squads to resist the armed goons of the Sangh Parivar, whenever the latter lynch poor Muslims and Dalits in different parts of the country. They will be able to expand their base among these oppressed sections by providing protection to them.

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